Uzbekistan
While reforms adopted since President Shavkat Mirziyoyev took office in 2016 have led to improvements on some issues, Uzbekistan remains an authoritarian state with few signs of democratization. No opposition parties operate legally. The legislature and judiciary effectively serve as instruments of the executive branch, which initiates reforms by decree, and the media are still tightly controlled by the authorities.
Research & Recommendations
Uzbekistan
| PR Political Rights | 2 40 |
| CL Civil Liberties | 10 60 |
Overview
While reforms adopted since President Shavkat Mirziyoyev took office in 2016 have led to improvements on some issues, Uzbekistan remains an authoritarian state with few signs of democratization. No opposition parties operate legally. The legislature and judiciary effectively serve as instruments of the executive branch, which initiates reforms by decree, and the media are still tightly controlled by the authorities. Reports of torture and other ill-treatment persist, although highly publicized cases of abuse have resulted in dismissals and prosecutions for some officials, and small-scale corruption has been meaningfully reduced.
Democratic resilience will increasingly depend on stronger coordination among countries that share a commitment to freedom, the rule of law, and accountable governance.
International support for democratic institutions, civil society, and independent media has been associated with modest but meaningful improvements in democratic governance, and it is far less costly than the military outlays necessitated by rising authoritarian aggression.
Young people are increasingly dissatisfied with democracy—not because they reject its principles, but because they see institutions failing to deliver on them. Programmatic work should create clear pathways for meaningful political participation, from voting and policy engagement to community organizing and public leadership, so that young people can translate their expectations into agency.
Uzbekistan
| A Obstacles to Access | 11 25 |
| B Limits on Content | 11 35 |
| C Violations of User Rights | 7 40 |
Political Overview
While reforms adopted since President Shavkat Mirziyoyev took office in 2016 have led to improvements on some issues, Uzbekistan remains an authoritarian state. No opposition parties operate legally. The legislature and judiciary effectively serve as instruments of the executive branch, which initiates reforms by decree, and the media are still tightly controlled by the authorities. Reports of torture and other ill-treatment persist, although highly publicized cases of abuse have resulted in dismissals and prosecutions for some officials, and small-scale corruption has been meaningfully reduced.
Access to the internet is under threat as authoritarian powers continue to create barriers for people to freely express themselves online. Internet shutdowns, throttling, and platform blocking remain among the most common tools of digital repression. At the same time, digital technologies serve as a lifeline for people seeking to expose human rights violations to the outside world and hold dictators accountable.
Protecting privacy online is essential to safeguarding free expression in repressive contexts. Without strong privacy protections, journalists and human rights defenders may self-censor out of a fear of reprisal. Rapid advances in AI—and the growing threat of automated vulnerability exploitation—heighten these risks, leaving civil society organizations increasingly vulnerable to sophisticated cyberattacks.
Uzbekistan
| DEMOCRACY-PERCENTAGE Democracy Percentage | 2.98 100 |
| DEMOCRACY-SCORE Democracy Score | 1.18 7 |
Executive Summary
In 2023, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, who has portrayed himself as a reformer since his election in 2016, successfully extended his rule by zeroing out his previous two presidential terms through a constitutional referendum, which could allow him to remain in office until 2040. Former president Islam Karimov similarly used a constitutional referendum to extend his first term and solidify his grip on power. Mirziyoyev’s power grab raises questions about whether his reforms and the “Uzbek thaw” will result in the much-promised “New Uzbekistan.” Critics argued that the referendum, which observers said was marred by a lack of genuine debate and competition, was conducted to sustain Mirziyoyev’s authoritarian rule. For instance, one leading expert on the regime said President Mirziyoyev was more interested in “authoritarian modernization” than advancing genuine multiparty democracy.
The future of European democracy and security is now inextricably linked to the fate of Ukraine. European Union (EU) and NATO member states must not only invest far more—and more efficiently—in their collective defense, but also provide Ukraine with the assistance it needs to roll back Russian advances and build a durable democracy of its own.
In addition to defending the international order from emboldened autocrats, democratic governments must attend to democratic renewal within Europe, particularly among nascent democracies.
Military aggression from autocracies in the region has underscored the dangers of exclusion from democracy-based organizations like the EU and NATO, galvanizing the political will of policymakers in aspiring member states and generating further public pressure to undertake long-sought democratic reforms.
Election Watch for the Digital Age equips technology companies, civil society organizations, and policymakers with a data-driven resource for evaluating the human rights impact of internet platforms on a country’s electoral process.
Our Election Vulnerability Index consists of key election-related indicators regarding a country’s political rights and internet freedom. Derived from our annual Freedom in the World and Freedom on the Net reports, the data and accompanying analysis allows users to identify specific areas of concern ahead of a country’s election, including online influence operations, internet shutdowns, or intercommunal tensions fanned by social media.