The president, directly elected for up to two five-year terms, is head of state. The prime minister, who serves as head of government, is chosen by the legislature. Presidential powers are generally limited. But in the event that the parliament cannot form a government, the president has the power to dissolve the National Assembly, schedule new elections, and appoint a caretaker government. Constitutional amendments approved by the parliament in December 2023 curtailed the president’s power to appoint a caretaker government by introducing a list of high-level officials that the president must use to select a caretaker prime minister.

In November 2021, incumbent president Rumen Radev was reelected with 65.8 percent of the vote. The election was assessed by international observers to be generally competitive and free, though some irregularities, including problems with voting machines, were noted.

After protracted political instability and several rounds of preterm elections, a coalition government was finally formed in June 2023 between GERB—which has dominated politics since 2009 and is led by former prime minister Boyko Borissov—and the PP-DB. With the support of GERB, the PP-DB, and two lawmakers from the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (DPS) party, which represents the ethnic Turkish minority, the parliament approved the PP-DB’s Denkov, a chemistry professor and former education minister, as prime minister and GERB’s Gabriel as foreign minister and deputy prime minister. Under the coalition agreement, Gabriel should become prime minister after nine months.

The unicameral National Assembly, with 240 members, is elected every four years in 31 multimember constituencies.

Regular parliamentary elections were held as scheduled in April 2021. Four early polls were called over the following two years after the parliament failed to form stable governments.

Most recently, no party was able to form a government after polls held in October 2022, forcing President Radev to dissolve the parliament in early 2023 and schedule another election for April. Once again, no party won a majority: GERB took the most seats, with 69; followed by 64 for the PP-DB; 37 for the far-right Russophile Vazrazhdane (Revival) party; 36 for the DPS; 23 for the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP); and 11 for the anti-elite There Is Such a People (ITN) party. Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) observers declared the elections to be free, fair, competitive, and well run. The governing coalition formed by GERB and the PP-DB in June pledged to focus on implementing constitutional and judicial reforms.

Municipal elections were held in two rounds in late October and early November 2023. Allegations that voting machines could be tampered with prompted the Central Election Commission (CEC) to cancel machine voting one day before the start of the first round and use only paper ballots. In addition, the elections were marred by an extremely high number of invalid paper ballots—which machine voting could have prevented, independent observers said—and allegations of electoral fraud. Nearly 250 candidates filed legal challenges to the results, with courts ordering investigations in some cases. A poll by a Bulgarian newspaper found that 47 percent of Bulgarians believed that the municipal elections were not fair.

Score Change: The score declined from 4 to 3 due to problems with municipal elections, including fraud allegations and an extremely high number of invalid ballots.

The CEC administers Bulgaria’s elections and generally works professionally and impartially, though some flaws have been reported in past elections. In recent years, changes to the electoral framework have been introduced just ahead of elections with little opportunity for debate or public comment, some of which have had negative effects for electoral administration. In late 2022, the caretaker government moved rapidly to amend the electoral code to reintroduce paper ballots, prompting protests among citizens who argued that a shift away from digital voting machines would facilitate fraud.

The OSCE, in its assessment of the April 2023 elections, called Bulgaria’s electoral framework “adequate” but also noted concerns “about the secrecy and integrity of the ballot and undue influence on voters in socially vulnerable communities” due to frequent and “controversial” changes to the legal framework, particularly those restricting the use of voting machines.

The CEC was strongly criticized for the conduct of the 2023 municipal elections. Its decision to cancel machine voting for the first round, based on an unofficial report by the state security agency alleging irregularities with the voting machines’ software, led to electoral chaos, fraud allegations, and a high number of invalid ballots.

Political parties operate freely. The political-party landscape is quite volatile, featuring both established parties like the BSP and DPS, as well as cycles in which new parties emerge while others decline or disappear. Several new parties emerged and gained power as part of coalition governments in recent years, including ITN and the PP. The Revival party, established in 2014, placed third in the April 2023 elections running on a radical nationalist, pro-Russia, and Eurosceptic platform.

There have been multiple peaceful transfers of power between rival parties through elections since the end of communist rule in 1990.

Bulgarians are generally free to make independent political choices. However, limited public funding and unlimited private funding for political parties leave parties vulnerable to undue influence by private and corporate donors. People in smaller communities, including the Roma, are frequently pressured to vote for the party that controls the city council or has appointed the mayor, or for the party favored by the biggest employers in the area (a phenomenon known as a “controlled” or “corporate” vote).

Vote-buying remains an issue, although the Anti-Corruption Fund, an independent think tank, in a 2022 report concluded that political players had a reduced interest in buying votes. According to the interior minister, at the end of the first round of municipal voting in October 2023, reports of electoral violations, including vote-buying, from all parties more than doubled compared to the 2019 municipal-election campaign period.

Prominent businessmen dominate major political parties and exert influence over party platforms and policy decisions, and some are also able to advance their agenda through media holdings. The problem of business influence in politics is exacerbated by a lack of transparency in campaign finance laws.

While marginalized groups generally have full political rights, the law dictates that electoral campaigns must be conducted in the Bulgarian language, which hinders outreach to non-Bulgarian-speaking minority groups. The ethnic Turkish minority is represented by the DPS, but the Roma are more marginalized. Small Romany parties are active, and many Roma reportedly vote for the DPS, though none hold seats in the parliament. Courts have continued to deny registration to the political party OMO Ilinden, which seeks legal recognition of a Macedonian ethnic minority in Bulgaria.

Members of far-right nationalist parties have engaged in hate speech against Roma, ethnic Turks, Jews, Muslims, migrants, and refugees, among other groups, particularly during election periods.

Women are underrepresented in the parliament, comprising just 24.2 percent of National Assembly seats after the April 2023 elections, and the inclusion of women’s issues in politics is lagging.

So-called oligarchs continue to exert influence on the vote in smaller municipalities and within marginalized groups in particular.

Elected executive and legislative officials in general are able to set and implement policies without undue interference from external or unelected entities. However, Bulgaria’s recent succession of minority governments has led to instances when a “floating majority” was used to pass legislation contrary to the will of a governing coalition’s members.

“Oligarch” politicians exert influence on policymaking and on legislative support for the government.

Bulgaria, which joined the European Union (EU) in 2007, has struggled to meet the bloc’s anticorruption standards amid resistance from much of the political class. Anticorruption laws are not adequately enforced, including in high-profile cases, contributing to a culture of impunity.

In 2021 the US Treasury Department announced sanctions under the Global Magnitsky Act against DPS leader Delyan Peevski and Vassil Bojkov, a high-profile Bulgarian businessman, for their “extensive roles in corruption in Bulgaria.” In February 2023, the US government sanctioned two former Bulgarian ministers, including former GERB finance minister Vladislav Goranov, under the same act.

The chief prosecutor’s office does not effectively prosecute high-level corruption, often using such proceedings against politicians and high-level officials as a political tool. Several justice ministers in recent years unsuccessfully tried to remove Chief Prosecutor Ivan Geshev from office. But in June 2023, the Supreme Judicial Council (VSS) voted to remove Geshev.

Several recent legislative changes have sought to strengthen anticorruption measures and limit the chief prosecutor’s power. In April 2022, the parliament abolished specialized anticorruption courts that critics said had been used to prosecute GERB’s political opponents.

In May 2023, Bulgaria’s parliament adopted what the Council of Europe (CoE) called “a landmark reform” to improve the effectiveness of criminal investigations and to ensure the independence of investigations involving the chief prosecutor. The reform package included a mechanism to independently review the chief prosecutor and deputies; judicial review of prosecutorial refusals to investigate serious criminal offenses; and a reduction in the VSS majority—from 17 to 13 members—needed to elect and dismiss the chief prosecutor. Observers said these changes paved the way for a more accountable prosecutor’s office. Constitutional amendments adopted in late December further curtailed the chief prosecutor’s power over the judiciary and the actions of public bodies.

Although Bulgaria has laws meant to ensure that the government operates with transparency, they are only partially enforced. While the transparency in the work of the parliament, the cabinet, and municipal bodies has increased considerably in recent years, public access to information about budgets and spending of various government agencies is sometimes inadequate or presented in an inaccessible way.

Government transparency improved during the short-lived government of Kiril Petkov from December 2021 to April 2022. Subsequent caretaker governments appointed by President Radev, however, were less open about decisions, as well as reasons for the dismissal and appointment of new senior officials at key government offices and ministries.

The constitution protects freedom of expression, including for the press, but journalists face threats and pressure from private owners or public media management. Even though the media sector remains pluralistic, many outlets are dependent on financial contributions from the state through advertising, effectively resulting in pressure to run government-friendly material.

Ownership concentration remains a problem. Private media ownership remains opaque, raising concerns of undue business and political influence over editorial content.

Journalists can face defamation suits as well as abusive strategic lawsuits against public participate (SLAPPs) in relation to legitimate investigative work. In August 2023, a penal code reform was enacted that reduced the fines for defamation; however, media freedom groups called for stronger legislative measures to combat SLAPPs.

In April 2023, then chief prosecutor Geshev alleged that Bureau for Investigative Reporting and Data (BIRD) reporter Dimitar Stoyanov had conspired with criminal elements to plot against him, and released to the public messages the reporter exchanged with sources. Earlier in the year, Stoyanov and other reporters for BIRD—who were also targeted in a smear campaign by officials and progovernment media—had reported on alleged police corruption. The BIRD journalists also faced six defamation lawsuits stemming from that reporting.

In 2022 and 2023 the far-right Revival party tried to pass a Russian-style law on the registration of “foreign agents” that would require media and private individuals receiving funding from foreign sources to register as “foreign agents.” Similar to a law introduced in Russia in 2012, it aimed to ban “foreign agents” from offering educational activities, working with the government, and engaging in other activities. The bill did not draw support from other parties.

In the 2023 municipal elections, GERB registered a journalist and news director of leading private outlet bTV as its candidate for mayor of Sofia. This sparked controversy over the ties between GERB and bTV, and between the media and the leading parties more generally.

Religious freedom is generally respected, but members of minority faiths in the mostly Orthodox Christian country have reported instances of harassment and discrimination. Jehovah’s Witnesses and some evangelical churches are referred to as “sects,” even in official discourse. Some local authorities have prohibited proselytizing and other religious activities by such groups.

Academic freedom is generally upheld in practice.

Freedom of expression is guaranteed by the constitution. However, Bulgaria’s criminal code allows for legal secret surveillance of citizens in a wide range of cases, and concerns persist that authorities have misused such surveillance laws in order to monitor citizens who criticize the government. In January 2022, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) found that Bulgaria’s laws on secret surveillance and the retention and accessing of communications data violated the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 prompted a spike in pro-Russia disinformation campaigns, most notably on social media. In January 2023, a contractor used by Meta to moderate Facebook and its other platforms in Bulgaria was reported to have allegedly contributed to the silencing of pro-EU and pro-Ukraine voices, sparking a public scandal and fears of widening Russian influence.

The authorities generally respect constitutional guarantees of freedom of assembly.

Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) operate freely and have a degree of influence, though they experience funding shortages, often rely on foreign donors, and sometimes face hostility from politicians and interest groups. The Revival party’s proposed “foreign agents” law would have impacted the work of NGOs.

Workers have the right to join trade unions, which are generally able to operate, but some public employees cannot legally strike. Collective bargaining is legal, and collective contracts are listed in a specialized public registry. While trade unions partner with the government and the business community to discuss public budgets and other issues like retirement age, pension reforms, and health-care reforms, their influence is weak.

In September 2023, trade unions were active in coordinating protests by energy sector workers against environmental measures negotiated by the government and the European Commission. Some of the protests—which took place during the local election campaign period—were led by opposition party candidates, and Prime Minister Denkov called on the parties to refrain from politicizing the protests.

Bulgaria’s judiciary has benefited from legal and institutional reforms associated with EU membership but has long been prone to politicization. Despite significant legislation formally guaranteeing judicial independence, the members and governing bodies of the judiciary—most notably the VSS, but also the prosecutor’s office and the chief prosecutor in particular—have often acted in accordance with the ruling majority. The VSS is responsible for judicial and prosecutorial appointments and management, with half of its members having been appointed with a two-thirds parliamentary majority. This supermajority has allowed political parties—including minority parties such as DPS—to exert undue influence over the selection and appointment of the country’s top magistrates.

In December 2023, the parliament adopted constitutional amendments that included reforms for the VSS. The council was divided into two bodies, a Supreme Judicial Council for the judiciary and a Supreme Prosecutors Council (VPS) for the prosecutors’ office. The new VSS would have 15 members: 8 members elected by judges and 5 members elected by the National Assembly, as well as the president of the Supreme Court of Cassation and the president of the Supreme Administrative Court.

Constitutional rights to due process are not always upheld. Police have been accused of misconduct, including arbitrary arrests and failure to inform suspects of their rights. Public trust in the justice system is low due to its reputed vulnerability to political and outside pressure.

The arrest in March 2022 of former prime minister Borissov on suspicion of corruption while in office did not follow procedure and was later held illegal by a court, reflecting occasional violations of due process in Bulgaria.

The relatively lengthy seven-year mandate granted to the prosecutor general and the lack of effective accountability mechanisms had long been noted as major problems with the prosecutorial office, weakening due process and rule of law. The chief prosecutor’s strong influence regarding career promotion of other prosecutors and within the VSS more generally inhibited magistrates from voicing and investigating allegations of misconduct within the office.

In May 2023, the parliament adopted reforms to the Judicial System Act that allowed independent investigations of the chief prosecutor, addressing long-standing problems with the lack of independent judicial oversight and accountability of one of the most powerful figures in the judicial system. A judicial review of cases the prosecutor’s office refused to investigate was also introduced, responding to criticism by observers. The reforms also included a reduction, from 17 to 13, in the majority required in the VSS to elect and dismiss the chief prosecutor; this allowed the VSS to remove Geshev from office in June after a series of scandals.

The December 2023 constitutional amendments shortened the chief prosecutor’s term from seven to five years and split the VSS into two separate councils, one for judges and one for prosecutors. The parliamentary quota for the appointment of the VPS was increased to ensure the political accountability of the prosecutor’s office.

The May 2023 changes to the Judicial System Act and the December amendments to the constitution reduced the influence of the chief prosecutor. President Radev said he would contest the amendments in the Constitutional Court, but that challenge was not filed by year’s end.

Bulgarians face few acute threats to physical security. However, police brutality, including abuse of suspects in custody, remains a problem. Overcrowding and violence plague many of Bulgaria’s prisons. Organized crime is still an issue.

Ethnic minorities, particularly the Roma, face discrimination in employment, health care, education, and housing, though the government and NGOs operate a number of programs meant to improve their social integration. Authorities periodically demolish illegally constructed or irregular housing—mostly in areas occupied by Roma—without providing alternative shelter. The Romany minority was also subject to disproportionately severe COVID-19-related restrictions throughout 2020.

Migrants and asylum seekers have reportedly faced various forms of mistreatment by Bulgarian authorities, including beatings and extortion.

Discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity is illegal, but societal bias against LGBT+ people persists. While anti-LGBT+ violence has been significantly underreported in Bulgaria, and largely goes unaddressed by authorities, no hate crimes motivated by sexual orientation were registered in Bulgaria in 2023. In July, the parliament amended the penal code to recognize hate crimes related to sexual orientation.

In September 2023, the ECtHR ruled that Bulgaria was in violation of Article 8 of the ECHR by not providing legal recognition for same-sex couples. The ruling called for the adoption of a legal framework to recognize and protect same-sex couples (but not necessarily to recognize same-sex marriage, which is unconstitutional in Bulgaria); the government had not met this requirement by year’s end.

In August 2023, the parliament amended the Protection against Domestic Violence Act (ZZDN) to add protection for intimate relationships, yet limited its scope to relationships between men and women.

A gender equality law passed in 2016 was designed to foster equal opportunity for women, but discrimination in employment and a gender pay gap persist.

For the most part, Bulgarians face few major restrictions on their freedom of movement. However, the government restricts the ability of asylum seekers to move outside of the district where they are housed.

The legal and regulatory framework is generally supportive of property rights and private business, though property rights are not always respected in practice, and corruption continues to hamper business and investment. The gray economy of undeclared business activity has been estimated at over 20 percent of the country’s economy. Attempts at business raiding, including with the suspected assistance of state institutions and the prosecutorial office, were perceived to be on the rise and helped trigger the 2020–21 antigraft protests.

The law generally grants equal rights to men and women regarding personal status matters such as marriage and divorce. However, Bulgaria does not recognize same-sex marriages or same-sex unions, nor does it allow same-sex couples to adopt or register as parents of a child. The European Court of Justice in late 2021 ruled that a lesbian couple’s daughter—born in Spain in 2019 to a Bulgarian national and a British national but considered stateless herself—must be issued a Bulgarian passport, raising hopes that this issue would be resolved in Bulgaria. In September 2023, the ECtHR ruled that Bulgaria violated the rights of same-sex couples by granting them no form of legal protection. The ECtHR ruling mandated the creation of such a legal framework, which has not materialized to date.

Domestic violence remains an issue. Bulgaria refused to sign the Istanbul Convention in 2021, an international convention on domestic violence, but progress was made when the parliament adopted amendments to the ZZDN in August 2023. People who have experienced domestic violence and NGOs addressing gender-based violence claim that state authorities are often ineffective in providing protection and pursuing criminal charges when abuse is reported. In July, mass protests were held after a man who allegedly violently attacked his intimate partner was accused of inflicting “light” injuries in a court which did not immediately order his detention.

The 2023 amendments to the ZZDN expanded the legal definition of domestic violence to include forms of violence between family members, partners in a marriage or a civil union, and those in “intimate relationships,” excluding same-sex partners. The amendments also created the National Council for Prevention and Protection from Domestic Violence to implement these measures.

Labor laws provide basic protections against exploitative working conditions, but they do not extend in practice to gray-market employment. Roma and other ethnic minorities are particularly vulnerable to trafficking for sexual and labor exploitation. Although the government has continued to step up efforts to combat trafficking, shelter victims, and punish perpetrators, these measures have not matched the scale of the problem, and punishments remain light in practice.