Special Report Section

State Institutions

According to respondents throughout the island, the Comite de Defensa de la Revolucion (Committee for the Defense of the Revolution, or CDR) holds the most power in their local communities or provinces. Respondents confirmed that local agencies simply carry out the decisions made by national leaders. Interviewees also said their local governments are highly corrupt, and they do not trust their provincial representatives. A man from Holguin complained, "Cada uno hace lo suyo y ya." ("Each one does his own thing.")

 

The CDR has substantial power within the local community and, as a result, has a significant impact on the lives of Cubans, according to most respondents.¹⁶ Access to many material goods and most opportunities for upward social mobility-matters of great concern to most Cubans-depend on good relations with the local CDR. One young man from Havana said he needed a recommendation from his CDR in order get a job as a tour guide. Although he says he is well-qualified and speaks fluent Italian, his ability to get this higher-paying job is entirely dependent on the opinion of the CDR officials in his neighborhood.

 

The only exception to this view came from respondents in Villa Clara province. Several respondents discounted the importance of the CDRs, referring to their meetings merely as opportunities to gossip about neighbors. In Ranchuelo, a popular producer of dulce de guayaba (a sweet treat made from guava) is unlicensed but has avoided prosecution. According to several townspeople, even the local government officials do not want their children to go without the sweet paste.

 

In Villa Clara, respondents credited the Partido Comunista de Cuba (Cuban Communist Party or PCC) as the organization that holds real power. Many people in Villa Clara viewed as the center of local decision-making in the province. Interviewees said it was inconceivable that the municipal or provincial leadership would reject a proposal supported by the PCC, since party members are obliged to follow party directives. Respondents in Remedios, a small town in northern Villa Clara province, named the notary public as the most important local official, since she has the power to witness and certify all important documents, from marriages to wills.

 

Respondents throughout the island credited the Police with possessing significant authority. Others mentioned organizations created by the Communist Party, such as the women's organization, Federacion de Mujeres Cubanas (FMC), the students federation, Federacion Estudiantil Universitaria (FEU), and the youth arm of the PCC, Union Juvenil Comunista (UJC). Though some respondents, including two members of the FMC, claimed that these organizations "do nothing," membership affords opportunities otherwise difficult to gain.

 

Apart from formal organizations created by the government, the network of informants also has a significant impact on the lives of Cubans. A physical education teacher in Havana said that "not only these organizations, but the people themselves" are a powerful group. Neighbors watch each other and report to authorities. He added, "Fidel has created such a [complex] system, that we cannot trust each other. For instance, State Security tells me that I am their persona de confianza and that I should watch my neighbor and report on him. At the same time they tell my neighbor that he is their persona de confianza and he should watch me and report to the police."

 

Based on the interviews, the CDRs generally remain the most powerful State institution at the local level. The police, the PCC, and especially the informal networks of neighborhood informants also possess significant influence in the minds of many Cubans. Through these institutions, the Cuban government continues to maintain a strong hold on the lives of its citizens.